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California Backward

by: Robert Cruickshank

Thu Jun 12, 2008 at 11:59:33 AM PDT


I know, I know, it's too easy. But what better headline can one come up with to assess the ridiculous  and ineffective solutions proposed by Leon Panetta's high-powered, high cost group of high Broderists to solve the budget crisis?

George Skelton's column provides some of their early recommendations:

* Requiring new or expanded programs -- whether created by the Legislature or ballot initiative -- to contain a specific funding source. That could be either new taxes or money gleaned from another program that is eliminated.

* Regularly examining spending programs to determine whether they should be revised, reduced or rubbed out.

* Also regularly reviewing tax loopholes to see if they're still needed: "Treat tax breaks like spending."

* Creating a rainy-day fund fed by unexpected tax gushes. When revenue dwindles, dip into the fund. Or use it for one-time public works projects or even tax rebates.

* Modernizing the tax system "to reflect the contemporary economy." Extend the sales tax to services while reducing the overall tax rate.

* Focusing on multiyear spending plans, rather than merely passing one-year budgets.

* Granting more power and responsibility to local governments.

* Changing the two-thirds majority vote requirement for budget passage. It wasn't suggested what the vote should be, but any change must be tied to "other reforms designed to improve performance, accountability and public trust."

Nowhere is the structural revenue shortfall discussed. Instead Panetta and friends take Republican framing to the budget, believing that the problem is too much spending. Nowhere are the state's pressing problems of underfunded education, health care, and public transportation discussed. It's as if those issues don't exist - as if this is 1985 and gas is at $1.20, a year at UC at $2,000, and health insurance plentiful and affordable.

The California Forward proposals are as backward-looking as anything we've yet seen, an effort to continue obsolete 20th century assumptions, an effort to avoid confronting 21st century realities.

Of course, it should come as no surprise that the group also embraces the unnecessary redistricting reform - an inherently pro-Republican proposal that should suggest where this group's allegiances actually lie.

Skelton takes their bait in his column, and argues - against all evidence - that the problem is simply that Republicans and Democrats won't talk to each other:

The reformers are prepared to take their proposals to the ballot in 2010 if they're ignored by the Legislature. But they're hoping the lawmakers will adopt at least incremental changes. A good time to start will be during this summer's budget negotiations. The reforms could "give Republicans a little comfort on spending and how tax dollars are used," Panetta theorizes.

But first the politicians have to start talking to each other.

Here's a suggestion: Turn off the BlackBerrys and cellphones.

Better yet, lock them in a desk. Look people in the eye. Smile. Sit down and deal.

This is ridiculous to the point of not understanding California politics. Someone as experienced as Skelton ought to know the real problem is with ideology and the rules. The 2/3 rule allows far-right Republicans to hold the state hostage to their rabid anti-tax views, which are not representative of the state's public opinion. It's not gerrymandering that enables this, or a refusal to talk - but the very real fact that the moment a Republican deviates from the firm anti-tax line the Club for Growth, the Howard Jarvis Association, the CRA and even the CRP will come down on that legislator like a ton of bricks. His or her primary opponent will be well-funded and his or her hopes of re-election and higher office are over.

How does Skelton not understand this?

Skelton, Panetta, and the other high Broderists wish it were 1974 all over again. It's not. It's a shame what remains of our state's media prefers nostalgic flights of fancy to realistic assessments of present-day issues.

Robert Cruickshank :: California Backward
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Skelton (0.00 / 0)
Is California's highest of high Broderists, so any hint of bipartisanship gives his leg a tingle.

They do recommend eliminating the 2/3 requirement, I'll give them that.


Why am I sure (0.00 / 0)
that Broder takes every attack on his insipid analysis to be further evidence for the need for bipartisanship?

[ Parent ]
And it furthers cynicism (0.00 / 0)
about those in Sacramento; it conveys the message that it wouldn't be that hard to get a budget if they just would talk to each other.  ('If it's that easy, why don't they just sit down and talk, rather than squabbling!?')

Of course it's not that easy.  My Assemblyman includes stats from Howard Jarvis in his newsletters; that guy isn't going to compromise on taxes, and the state of the Blackberry devices in the room doesn't matter.


Exactly (0.00 / 0)
Skelton and the Panetta folks rightly point to public distrust of their legislators. So what's their solution? Put them all in a room and have them cut deals to solve it. (Which is pretty much what happens every year anyway.)

Those are inherently contradictory desires. Public trust isn't created by folks talking things out. Public trust comes when people feel their voices are being heard and their own activism is playing a role. That's democracy, and democracy builds trust.

You can check out any time you like but you can never leave


[ Parent ]
California Forward (0.00 / 0)
Based on Calitics Required Reading for the day:

"Membership in both parties has been shrinking as a percentage of the electorate, as the ranks of the independents have been climbing dramatically -- nearly doubling in the last 16 years."

Many decline-to-state and third parties voters do not feel included in the political process and redistricting is not in the sole interest of the Republican party. If it were, then how do you explain its passage by a majority of voters?

Robert in Monterey points out that if "a Republican deviates from the firm anti-tax line the Club for Growth, the Howard Jarvis Association, the CRA and even the CRP will come down on that legislator like a ton of bricks. His or her primary opponent will be well-funded and his or her hopes of re-election and higher office are over."

If the district wasn't gerrymandered into being such a staunch supporter of only conservative Republicans it's likely that another more moderate candidate would be elected or win re-election with the support of a broader spectrum of voters...ones who reflect the diversity that exists beyond the extremes of either party.  


Redistricting isn't the solution (0.00 / 0)
It's good to see some acknowledgment that the conservative takeover of the Republican Party really is the problem. What we differ on is whether redistricting is a solution to that problem.

Although I opposed Prop 11, I am not opposed to the concept of removing redistricting power from the legislature. My argument has always been that it is a low-priority reform that is not likely to change a great deal, and I am absolutely unconvinced that Prop 11 will put a stop to the wingnut dominance of the Yacht Party.

Here's why:

1. Californians are politically self-segregating. The reason Republicans can no longer win ANY seat at the state or federal level from the San Francisco Bay Area is not because the Bay Area has been gerrymandered that way. Orange County doesn't reliably produce Republicans because of gerrymandering. The only way to draw districts that do not produce a number of reliably GOP seats is to engage in gerrymandering in an even more massive scale than before. Because of this factor it is not likely that Prop 11 will reduce meaningfully the number of GOP-friendly seats.

2. Even in districts that are more evenly balanced in party registration, Republicans who represent such seats remain loyal to the far-right agenda. Abel Maldonado represents a district with a majority Democratic registration but is a reliably conservative vote. He has broken from his party on occasion, but only when Democrats caved to his demands for massive budget cuts. Jeff Denham's district has a Democratic majority as well and is even more in lockstep with party conservatives than Maldonado.

3. Prop 11 doesn't eliminate the term limits problem. A major reason why Republicans haven't caved on their anti-tax pledge is that they want higher office, since they will be termed out of their current office. In statewide Republican primaries for office it is always the most conservative candidate who beats the most moderate candidate. Jeff Denham is more concerned about a statewide Republican primary than a statewide general election against a Democrat. Prop 11 doesn't change that calculus.

4. In other states with independent commission-drawn districts, Republicans are still captive to the far right. Take Washington for example. Washington has drawn districts by commission since 1983. They have no term limits whatsoever, not even for the governor. Yet the Washington GOP has become dominated by far-right extremists as well. The same dynamic is at play in WA as in CA - a group of conservative activists and funders, led by the Building Industry Association of Washington (BIAW) and the religious right, own that party. The lack of a 2/3 rule is the only reason why WA has not seen the same crippling budget problems as CA.

Similarly we can look at Congress, where both the House and the Senate GOP are totally dominated by conservatives. In the House it's irrelevant because the minority has no power to obstruct the majority. In the Senate it is very relevant because of the filibuster - to which CA's 2/3 rule is equivalent.

Trust me, if I thought Prop 11 would end conservative power in this state, I would have been its loudest supporter.

You can check out any time you like but you can never leave


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