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So, Calitics Editors, were we WRONG about the May referenda?

by: Seneca Doane

Tue Jul 21, 2009 at 10:26:50 AM PDT


This began as a comment left in David's story announcing the budget deal, but with greater reflection my reaction has grown worse.  What set me off is two things: Robert's comment as a story update that "The February deal was bad, but  this is far worse," (my emphasis) and David's subsequent story suggesting (facetiously, I hope) that he didn't realize until now that the side that gave less of a damn about who suffered in the wake of a failure to reach a budget had a tremendous advantage.

I'd like to believe that this is all just bitter and spontaneous reaction to a defeat for progressives and the people of the state -- sentiments that, ideally, would not have found their way into print.  If not, if this is truly where we stand, then the implication is that we were wrong in May and the regular politicians who predicted this were right -- and, furthermore, that they were right because they are less ignorant about how the system really works.

I don't accept that conclusion.  I intend this as a sharp slap in the face to rouse people who are playing right into the stereotype of progressive activists as people who know how to complain loudly but don't actually understand political realities.  Robert, David, and the rest of us are better than that.  We were right about May, even taking this prospective result into account, and we should start acting like it.

Seneca Doane :: So, Calitics Editors, were we WRONG about the May referenda?
Let me start, in a roundabout way, by addressing the question of whether this result is far worse than the budget agreement agreed to in February and put to the voters in May.

I thought at the time -- and said and wrote -- that I thought that this was a closer question than people on Calitics said, because the prospect was that the professional politicians were right that whatever deal was ultimately adopted would be worse.  (Of course, at that time, we didn't know how much the deficit would grow.)  I'm not one to accept a party line on things; I have to be convinced.  But over time I was convinced that the May referenda were a bad deal -- despite the substantial likelihood of this sort of ultimate outcome.  The main reason was that while the ultimate budget package might do more short-term damage, the changes made particularly by Prop 1A were likely to embed themselves in the Constitution and prove as lasting as Prop 13.  This next year might be worse, but the prospect for progressive governance down the line would be better.

As a result, I did two substantive things: (1) helped lobby against the Party's endorsing Prop 1A at the April Convention and (2) debated my widely beloved state party Regional Director, John Smith, several times in the hostile territory of Democratic Clubs in southeast LA and northern Orange Counties.  (By the way, I strongly endorse doing so.  How many people here ventured into hostile territory to fight Prop 1A, not counting the Convention itself?)  John said, pretty bluntly, that something like this would happen and that people who were arguing that we should go back and get a better deal were doing so out of some combination of cockeyed optimism and ignorance.  My response to him was that even if the deal turned out badly, at least its effect would not be permanent.  I argued that it would place us on a better footing to pursue a structural reform agenda (about which he and I and most of us here agree.)  He said that the changes in Prop 1A would be undone in later initiatives anyway and that I didn't appreciate how bad this year's budget would be.

They were good debates.  I thought I was right then; I still think that I was right.  But part of thinking that I was right is not in effect regretting that I had taken that stance because the results were so much worse than anticipated (per Robert) or, worse, because I didn't understand the structural advantages available to our Republican opponents (per David.)  I did understand that things would probably work out this badly, due to those structural disadvantages, and until reading these past few stories I would have sworn that Robert and David and the rest of the people here did so too.

If this is "far worse" than February's proposal, it is largely because the deficit has nearly doubled in size (I don't have the precise figures at hand) from the problem that we were trying to address back then.  Calling it "far worse" without brandishing that caveat high is bad politics -- it suggests that we gambled about the May election and lost.  Furthermore, if you really believe that a major problem with the May referenda was the permanence of Prop 1A, then this isn't actually "far worse" because it leaves open the path to eventual progressive governance, without adding yet another Prop 13-like impediment, the semi-soft budget cap, in our path.

If that isn't reason enough to reject the notion that our position now is "far worse," then it invites the inference that we just didn't foresee this outcome -- in which event we're as Pollyannaish as our opponents in the party sneer we are.  Well, my sense is that we did see it coming, that Arnold's advantage from having a superior BATNA ("Best Alterative To Negotiated Agreement") was always clear to us, but that the advantages of (1) avoiding permanent hobbling of progressivism and (2) avoiding complicity -- for the benefit of 2010 races and future progressive reforms -- in what would be a horrible budget outweighed that prospect.  Frankly, we can't stop Arnold from torturing the California citizenry of 2009-2011 -- but we could (and did) stop him from reaching out beyond his political grave to torture the citizenry indefinitely beyond that.  We always knew -- at least this is how I presented it to people in southeast LA and northern Orange counties -- that we'd have more pain this year and that, quite frankly, people would die due to the upcoming budget.  The advantage -- which was a victory in May and remains a victory now -- is that the changes to the system aren't permanent, though of course the scars (meaning the deaths, injuries, lack of education, etc.) will be.

We chose the better of bad options.  That needs reiteration -- now.

Would members of the Calitics Board go back and change their actions in April and May, knowing this result?  If not, say so and say why.  If not, then what we ended up with is not "far worse."

What it is is disgraceful.  What it is is an impetus to explaining what has happened to the public and to action.  Some commenters are asking the right questions: how do we leverage what has been imposed on our party -- and I hope that Democrats at least make a show of letting this pass only by a bare majority -- into public understanding of and revulsion towards both Arnold's means and ends?

The rap on progressive activists is that all we do is kvetch like children about how we're not getting what we want.  This is the time to commit to giving that notion the lie -- or to accept it.  This is a gut check.  Do we argue, based on handwaving that ignores the discrepancy in BATNAs, that things could have been different if our reps had just held fast?  Or do we hold that we did the right thing last spring regardless?

What we should do now is:

(1) Push for as few Democrats to support this budget as possible.  This is and should be seen as a Republican budget against which Democrats stood as strong as possible.  We'll lose -- I don't know what happens if we don't lose, though I and many others would like to know -- but at least we'll go down swinging.

(2) Drive home in enormity of what Arnold has done.  People still don't get it.  They're going to get it, though, and we need to make sure that he owns this baby and that Republicans in 2010 own it with him.

(3) Consider supporting a recall.  I don't want Arnold out there making next year's budget.  A recall may not work, but it will be an expression of popular revulsion at a time that it has been richly earned.

(4) Continue calling for federal intervention.  The rest of the country will eventually understand that dropping an anvil onto our corner of the ship of state will ultimately hurt them as well.  This is a recession-producing budget.  The federal government can fix that and help reverse its negative effects on the economy -- but the price should be regime change (just as with GM) and structural reforms.

(5) Do a better job of telling the story.  California citizens by and large can't yet "imagine the real" here; Arnold has successfully, with the complicity of the media, positioned himself as a reformer with results.  We have all sorts of ammunition -- from his awful proposals to his awful results to his awful tactics (like raising his "reform" concerns only at the last minute) -- to use here; let's discuss how to frame it.

(6) Don't apologize; don't profess ignorance.  I expect that Robert will reject the notion that "this is far worse" constitutes an implication of regret at prior actions and that David will reject the notion that "I've finally found the formula" isn't a true profession of ignorance.  Well, guys, I'm telling you: that's how it comes off.

This is a disaster, but not a surprise.  This is the second-worst option we had, passing Prop 1A being the first-worst.  Everything we say now has to be put into that context -- or else, this result becomes Exhibit A in proving that bloggers are just ignorant hotheads who just want to complain.  That is the battle that we are fighting now.

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First, I think we all understood that this was going to happen, no matter which way May 19th went.  The fact is that May 19th brought in less than 6 Billion bucks, and that is being generous.  $6 Billion barely makes up for the fact that Arnold chose to let us send out IOUs and suffer the consequeunces.

Yes, this is a lot worse, but much of that is because of all the gimmicks they had in the February budget. THe numbers never materialized, and so we landed where we are.

We were absolutely right about May 19th. We were certainly right about 1A. Perhaps 1C passing would have made some semblance of a difference, but those working to pass the initiatives chose not to go after the lottery bonds. Instead, they focused on a well-known stinker, Prop 1A.

The problem really has nothing to do with May 19, the problem is the last 5 years of budgeting that produced house of cards after house of cards.  And ultimately the problem is the mucas-y handkerchief known as the California Constitution.

May 19th never should have happened, and the electeds know that too. They just hoped they could draw some attention away for a few months.  

I think?


Is that figure correct? (0.00 / 0)
My recollection is that 1C was supposed to (and I didn't believe it) bring in $5B by itself.

The notion that, after May 19, Arnold would have still done this is worth pursuing.

I disagree with the last paragraph, though.  I think that they thought it was a win-win, politically.  If voters approved it, they were (or thought they were) safe; if we turned it down, then the blame for what happened next would fall on our heads.  We'll see that move now.  That's why we have to counter it.


[ Parent ]
Yep... and so important (8.00 / 1)
Win-win politically...I am sure that's what they thought. After all, they were placing byzantine budget measures, including temporary tax increases, on a special election ballot -- a special election, i.e. low, low, turnout.   Out of the box, it could be counted on to attract those few of the most fervant anti-tax folks.   The only possibility for victory this had was to somehow convince sufficient numbers of Democratic voters to come out and get excited about inexplicable gimmicks touted most loudly by none other than the despised Schwarzenegger himself--a gambit that had a chance of working somewhere between slim to none.   If somehow, Dem party leaders and the CTA could convince enough of the most loyal to actually show up to do the trick (essentially for the good of the party), well thank those on high for the miracle. If not, you have the perfect scapegoat: a combination of those progressive kooks who were happy to gamble to protect their precious principles and a wider public that just doesn't get it, doesn't care or both.

Either way, it was a strategy of fundamental leadership avoidance and cravenness.  And most of the media in this state was happy to play along.

The upshot now is that the Dem leadership can spread the fiction that they had no choice but this dirtiest of deeds, given the structural realities that keep them hogtied and the demonstrated unwillingness of the people at large to demand anything different.  And this is indeed the message that is already being advanced far and wide.

If we are going to counter this, we must quite clearly lay "this far worse" deal wholly at the feet of those responsible...the political leadership class who have been failing for years, failed in February, failed in May and failed now.   And how we say it, where and to whom is vitally important right now.


[ Parent ]
To quote Edith Piaf (5.00 / 2)
Non, je regrette nien. I'm busy working on deploying an action for the Courage Campaign about this budget deal, so I can't give a more in-depth reply just now, but I will. The short version is I reject entirely the notion that we who opposed the May 19 initiatives are responsible for this, because to do so is to accept the flawed logic that holds the May 19 initiatives were some sort of solution, that voters could have averted crisis through their actions on May 19, that legislators had no other options after May 19.

You can check out any time you like but you can never leave

I'm glad to hear it (0.00 / 0)
Because we do face intraparty as well as interparty conflicts, I hope that you will keep the question of the myth of May 19 high in your explanations, like "the May 19 solution was a sham."

If by "far worse" you meant that it is worse because of the deepening budget deficit, that really should always be made clear.  Otherwise, it truly does sound like "D'ohh!  Didn't see that one coming!"


[ Parent ]
Didn't understand them? (0.00 / 0)
I think I've been saying for close to two years that this is a process problem, and for many months I've been preparing the ground of the next budget being terrible.  Summing it up in a post doesn't mean that I've just come around to that decision.  The tongue was pretty firmly implanted in cheek in that post, and it's nothing more than a reiteration that thirty years of failed leadership and deferred dreams have brought the state to the brink, and only dealing with the structure forcing these decisions will work.  It's on point with everything else I've written over a number of years.

Clearly, claiming that the May special would be some sort of savior is ridiculous.  $1 billion of the solutions were other cuts.  First Five is going to save Healthy Families, which they would not have been able to do under Prop. 1D.  The lottery borrowing probably wouldn't have been able to happen.  And 1A would have been an unmitigated disaster.

I think I know what I'm doing.


Having written it (0.00 / 0)
perhaps you didn't perceive how it might come off to those who hadn't written it.

If you don't think that that sort of post could and would be taken by political regulars (if they were aware of it) as an indication that bloggers actually didn't understand the situation as well as the pros did, then you haven't spent enough time being slammed in front of hostile audiences who say that progressive bloggers don't understand why were were dealt a losing hand here and that's why they made unreasonable demands.  As I say in the diary, by the way, these are people who agree with you about the structural reforms but think that activists screwed up royally on Prop 1A, because among other things they don't get the concept of a BATNA.

I'm glad to hear you say that it was tongue-in-cheek.  I'll certainly pass that along if the topic ever comes up.  I'm also glad that you know what you're doing.


[ Parent ]
It is a "far worse" budget (4.00 / 1)
I'm a bit surprised at how much people are getting hung up on that phrase. It's undeniable that this is a very bad budget deal. It includes NO new revenues. It includes the first offshore oil drilling in 40 years. It will force the bankruptcy of dozens of cities and school districts, mass layoffs of teachers, suffering and perhaps death of children and/or the disabled. And it will be very difficult to ever restore those cuts.

As I noted above, I reject entirely the notion that the May 19 initiatives would have produced a meaningfully different outcome. Every one of those initiatives was deeply flawed, and the two cornerstones - Props 1A and 1C - would have blown even larger holes in the budget and created long-term problems.

The problem with the May 19 initiatives is that they attempted to make voters complicit in the legislature's own failure. That was inherent in the messaging - if voters refused complicity, Bass and Steinberg told us that we would be causing greater suffering after the election.

But that just isn't the case. It was a sham argument for a sham election. This outcome is not surprising, and I don't see how my "far worse" formulation implies it is a surprising outcome. It is an outcome borne of the Democratic caucus' refusal to say the word "no", their refusal to negotiate properly, their refusal to ensure that we got anything other than a cuts-only budget.

We voters, we advocates, are not responsible for what the legislature chooses to do (or chooses to not do).

Both David and I have pointed out, repeatedly, how our flawed government structure makes these outcomes likely. I personally tend to emphasize the role of individual legislative choice, since I believe that a stronger negotiating position from Democrats could produce less insane outcomes.

That's where I'm coming from. We have a longer-term battle ahead of us to fix the broken process. And we have a short-term battle to demand our legislature produce fairer outcomes. I see these as complementary actions.

What I don't see is how we who advocated a "no" vote on the May 19 initiatives have responsibility for this outcome.

You can check out any time you like but you can never leave


I'm glad to see you make the case (0.00 / 0)
I hope to see that case made on the front page before long.  You've done a great job of addressing the interparty conflict, but right now the intraparty conflict needs attention too.

If you really don't understand how at least two of us who have had dealings with hostile audiences (and I don't know if the commenter in the other diary was also in a red area like OC), I'm happy to explain it.  We often don't see how
our own comments come off.  (God knows it's true of me.)

Here's the problem:

Most state politicians of both parties have been presenting this past half-year's battle as a competition between Plan A -- the February budget which they assert needed the May referenda in order to have its miraculous effect -- and Plan B, whatever came out of the budget process if the referenda failed.  If that's not your sense of things, we're not going to see eye to eye here, but it's my clear sense.  "If you don't ratify Plan A (in May), the alternative will be worse."

Your comment here sounds a lot like saying that "Plan B is worse than Plan A."  That's not, as I'll acknowledge in a moment, what you mean to say -- for one thing, you're dealing with "February vs. July," not "February plus May vs. July" -- but if you buy the framework above, that's how your comparison came out, and that's why I threw up on my keyboard and yanked off my own ear.

Without elaboration, it sounds like you're saying "Damn, this July deal is even worse than the deal in February!"  And while you don't say it, the forces who were pushing the May referenda are happy to complete the thought for you: "That means that we should have passed the May referenda and ratified the February deal so that we wouldn't have had to face the July deal."

That's not what you mean to say.  It's unfair!  It leaves out critical factors!  Granted -- but that's how it comes off, absent elaboration.  This is how people get killed when it comes to PR.

Politics is largely about blame.  We are in the sights of the professional pols who want to be able to say that their hands were tied after May 19 and that they had no choice but to accept an odious deal.  (This is why anything that suggests that we didn't understand the political considerations, like the jocular comment that David disavows above, drives me up a tree when it comes out at a time like this.  Our most immediate fight is with Democrats who think we're Pollyannaish lightweights that they'd love to squash, not with Republicans.)

What you meant to say, I take it, is something like this:


1) The July budget is worse than the February budget (for the reasons you state.)

2) That's partly because the size of the deficit grew so much over the past few months and partly because the whitewash in the February budget washed off.  (Maybe additional reasons.)

3) Even if the May referenda had passed, we'd probably still see something like this around now once the budget was clearly inadequate to address the burgeoning deficit, because (a) the maximum possible effect of the referenda on this year's budget was too small and (b) Arnold clearly wanted to force the issue with a Shock Doctrine approach as things got worse -- so at least we're in a better situation than if the May referenda had passed.

If that's not noted in every discussion that compares the February budget to the July budget, then it seriously, no fooling, gives rise to the inference that we screwed up last spring by opposing the referenda.  Maybe it shouldn't -- people should be smarter, or if they know the score they should be more fair about not pressing an illegitimate point -- but it does.  We anti-1A activists are now the intended scapegoats for this budget -- we always have been, and in my opinion providing for this was one of the points of putting out the referenda in the first place -- and we had better prepare to fight that fight.  That starts by being aware of, and explicitly rejecting whenever it seems likely to arise, the other side's framing.

This may strike you as a small point.  I don't think it is.  We'll see how things play out.


[ Parent ]
Blaming the Rape Victim for resisting the Rapist (0.00 / 0)
Many of the Democratic legislators and party people are taking the stand that in the commission of a violent crime against California, the victim is at fault, because by resisting the crime we annoyed the rapist.

Past a certain point, you have to call these people out and ask them where they've lodged their heads, and if they can remove them from there without serious neck strain.


[ Parent ]
Just another bad deal of 30 years of bad deals (5.00 / 2)
I think that this is only another bad deal in a series of very bad deals.  Rather than confront the underlying problem directly, Democrats in the legislature have timidly "done their best", as the situation progressively worsened.  Gray Davis (and truthfully, Jerry Brown as well when he was governor) tended to follow this path of least resistance as well.

This is where the caveman wing of the GOP has been trying to drive the state as well, and they've had enough corporate money behind them that they've been able to use the initiative process to do this.

Anyone who is suggesting "we have no choice"  and are complaining that we did not back these losers in their deal back in February?  They can go to hell.  The February deal at best pushed things back a year or two, but did not change the downward spire the state's been in for more than a generation.  That we did were not complicit in pushing the disaster until these losers were no longer in office says more about them than us.

I like SD's approach here.  We try to beat this budget, and if we can't beat it, we will get as many votes in both houses we can to vote against it.

This will not be a free vote.  No one who votes for this budget should get another term in any office of public trust.


what made this worse (0.00 / 0)
is that the elected dems' response to the may election defeat was to work with republicans to fuck the state, and good, to punish us all for not going along with their bullshit faux-fix.

the worst option would have been for us to have passed the props (incl. 1a), and then have the dems send us this kind of budget to fill the gaping hole that the props would have left in their wake. so yeah, it's better than that, but it still sucks, and the fact that the dems seem to be so determined to play along with arnold and the GOP is seriously upsetting, because it makes any future reform or backing away from the ledge that much more difficult.


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